Erich
FrommErich Fromm (March 23, 1900 – March 18, 1980) was an internationally
renowned German-American psychologist and humanistic philosopher.
Life
He began his career as an orthodox Freudian clinical psychologist in
Berlin, Germany, but he emigrated to the United States on May 25, 1934,
arriving in New York on May 31, 1934 and becoming a citizen of the United
States on May 25, 1940. Fromm lived and worked in the United States
until moving to Cuernavaca, Mexico in 1950 and spending most of the
rest of his life working and teaching in Mexico. He moved to Muralto,
Switzerland in 1974, and died at his home in 1980, five days before
his eightieth birthday.
In 1918, Fromm
spent two semesters studying jurisprudence at the University of Frankfurt
am Main. During the summer semester of 1919, Fromm studied at the University
of Heidelberg, where he switched from studying jurisprudence to studying
sociology under Alfred Weber (brother of Max Weber), Karl Jaspers, and
Heinrich Rickert. Fromm received his Ph.D. in sociology from Heidelberg
in 1922, and completed his psychoanalytical training in 1930 at the
Psychoanalytical Institute in Berlin. In that same year, he began his
own clinical practice and joined the Frankfurt Institute for Social
Research, which moved to Geneva fleeing Adolf Hitler's Nazi regime,
then, in 1934, to Columbia University in New York. After leaving Columbia,
he helped form the New York Branch of the Washington School of Psychiatry
in 1943, and in 1945 the William Alanson White Institute of Psychiatry,
Psychoanalysis, and Psychology.
When Fromm
moved to Mexico City in 1950, he became a professor at the National
Autonomous University of Mexico and established a psychoanalytic section
at the medical school there. He taught at the university until his retirement
in 1965. Meanwhile, he taught as a professor of psychology at Michigan
State University from 1957 to 1961 and as an adjunct professor of psychology
at the graduate division of Arts and Sciences at New York University
after 1962. All the while, Fromm maintained his own clinical practice
and published a series of books.
Psychological
theory
Beginning with his first seminal work, Escape from Freedom (known in
Britain as The Fear of Freedom), first published in 1941, Fromm's writings
were notable as much for their social and political commentary as for
their philosophical and psychological underpinnings. His second seminal
work, Man for Himself: An Inquiry into the Psychology of Ethics, first
published in 1947, was a continuation of Escape from Freedom. Taken
together, these books outlined Fromm's theory of human character, which
was a natural outgrowth of Fromm's theory of human nature. Fromm's most
popular book was The Art of Loving, an international bestseller first
published in 1956, which recapitulated and complemented the theoretical
principles of human nature found in Escape from Freedom and Man for
Himself, principles which were revisited in many of Fromm's other major
works.
Central to
Fromm's world view was his interpretation of the Talmud, which he began
studying as a young man under Rabbi J. Horowitz and later studied under
Rabbi Salman Baruch Rabinkow while working towards his doctorate in
sociology at the University of Heidelberg and under Nehemia Nobel and
Ludwig Krause while studying in Frankfurt. Fromm's grandfather and two
great grandfathers on his father's side were rabbis, and a great uncle
on his mother's side was a noted Talmudic scholar. However, Fromm turned
away from orthodox Judaism in 1926 and turned towards secular interpretations
of scriptural ideals.
The cornerstone
of Fromm's humanistic philosophy is his interpretation of the biblical
story of Adam and Eve's exile from the Garden of Eden. Drawing on his
knowledge of the Talmud, Fromm pointed out that being able to distinguish
between good and evil is generally considered to be a virtue, and that
biblical scholars generally consider Adam and Eve to have sinned by
disobeying God and eating from the Tree of Knowledge. However, departing
from traditional religious orthodoxy, Fromm extolled the virtues of
humans taking independent action and using reason to establish moral
values rather than adhering to authoritarian moral values.
Beyond a simple
condemnation of authoritarian value systems, Fromm used the story of
Adam and Eve as an allegorical explanation for human biological evolution
and existential angst, asserting that when Adam and Eve ate from the
Tree of Knowledge, they became aware of themselves as being separate
from nature while still being a part of it. This is why they felt "naked"
and "ashamed": They had evolved into human beings, conscious
of themselves, their own mortality, and their powerlessness before the
forces of nature and society, and no longer united with the universe
as they were in their instinctive, pre-human existence as animals. According
to Fromm, the awareness of a disunited human existence is the source
of all guilt and shame, and the solution to this existential dichotomy
is found in the development of one's uniquely human powers of love and
reason. However, Fromm so distinguished his concept of love from popular
notions of love that his reference to this concept was virtually paradoxical.
Fromm considered
love to be an interpersonal creative capacity rather than an emotion,
and he distinguished this creative capacity from what he considered
to be various forms of narcissistic neuroses and sado-masochistic tendencies
that are commonly held out as proof of "true love." Indeed,
Fromm viewed the experience of "falling in love" as evidence
of one's failure to understand the true nature of love, which he believed
always had the common elements of care, responsibility, respect, and
knowledge. Drawing from his knowledge of the Talmud, Fromm pointed to
the story of Jonah, who did not wish to save the residents of Nineveh
from the consequences of their sin, as demonstrative of his belief that
the qualities of care and responsibility are generally absent from most
human relationships. Fromm also asserted that few people in modern society
had respect for the autonomy of their fellow human beings, much less
the objective knowledge of what other people truly wanted and needed.
Politics
The culmination of Fromm's social and political philosophy was his book
The Sane Society, published in 1955, which argued in favor of communitarian
socialism. Building primarily upon the works of Karl Marx, Fromm was
the first political and social commentator in this school of thought
to introduce the ideal of personal freedom, more frequently found in
the writings of classic liberals, such as Frederic Bastiat, and objectivists,
such as Ayn Rand. Fromm's unique brand of socialism rejected both Western
capitalism and Soviet communism, which he saw as dehumanizing and bureaucratic
social structures that resulted in a virtually universal modern phenomenon
of alienation.
Fromm was
very active in American politics. He joined the American Socialist Party
in the 1950s, and did his best to help them provide an alternative viewpoint
to the prevailing McCarthyism of the time, a viewpoint that was best
expressed in his 1961 paper May Man Prevail? An Inquiry into the Facts
and Fictions of Foreign Policy. However, as a co-founder of SANE, Fromm's
strongest political interest was in the international peace movement,
fighting against the nuclear arms race and America's involvement in
the Vietnam war. After supporting then Senator Eugene McCarthy's losing
bid for the Democratic presidential nomination, Fromm more or less retreated
from the American political scene, although he did write a paper in
1974 entitled Remarks on the Policy of Détente for a hearing
held by the U.S. Senate Committee on Foreign Relations.
Erich Fromm
was born in 1900 in Frankfurt, Germany. His father was a business man
and, according to Erich, rather moody. His mother was frequently depressed.
In other words, like quite a few of the people we've looked at, his
childhood wasn't very happy.
Like Jung,
Erich came from a very religious family, in his case orthodox Jews.
Fromm himself later became what he called an atheistic mystic.
In his autobiography,
Beyond the Chains of Illusion, Fromm talks about two events in his early
adolescence that started him along his path. The first involved a friend
of the family's:
Maybe she
was 25 years of age; she was beautiful, attractive, and in addition
a painter, the first painter I ever knew. I remember having heard that
she had been engaged but after some time had broken the engagement;
I remember that she was almost invariably in the company of her widowed
father. As I remember him, he was an old, uninteresting, and rather
unattractive man, or so I thought (maybe my judgment was somewhat biased
by jealousy). Then one day I heard the shocking news: her father had
died, and immediately afterwards, she had killed herself and left a
will which stipulated that she wanted to be buried with her father.
(p. 4)
As you can
imagine, this news hit the 12 year old Erich hard, and he found himself
asking what many of us might ask: why? Later, he began finding some
answers -- partial ones, admittedly -- in Freud.
The second
event was even larger: World War I. At the tender age of 14, he saw
the extremes that nationalism could go to. All around him, he heard
the message: We (Germans, or more precisely, Christian Germans) are
great; They (the English and their allies) are cheap mercenaries. The
hatred, the "war hysteria," frightened him, as well it should.
So again he
wanted to understand something irrational -- the irrationality of mass
behavior -- and he found some answers, this time in the writings of
Karl Marx.
To finish
Fromm's story, he received his PhD from Heidelberg in 1922 and began
a career as a psychotherapist. He moved to the U.S. in 1934 -- a popular
time for leaving Germany! -- and settled in New York City, where he
met many of the other great refugee thinkers that gathered there, including
Karen Horney, with whom he had an affair.
Toward the
end of his career, he moved to Mexico City to teach. He had done considerable
research into the relationship between economic class and personality
types there. He died in 1980 in Switzerland.
Forced to
flee from Nazi Germany in 1933, Fromm settled in the United States and
lectured at the New School of Social Research, Columbia, Yale, and Bennington.
In the late 1930s, Fromm broke with the Institute of Social Research
and with Escape from Freedom began publishing a series of books which
would win him a large audience. Escape From Freedom argued that alienation
from soil and community in the transition from feudalism to capitalism
increased insecurity and fear. Documenting some of the strains and crises
of individualism, Fromm attempted to explain how alienated individuals
would seek gratification and security from social orders such as fascism.
His post-World
War II books, Man For Himself (1947) and The Sane Society, applied Fromm's
Freudian-Marxian perspectives to sharp critiques of contemporary capitalism.
Fromm popularized the neo-Marxian critiques of the media and consumer
society, and promoted democratic socialist perspectives during an era
when social repression made it difficult and dangerous to advocate radical
positions. Although his social critique was similar in many ways to
his former colleague Herbert Marcuse, the two thinkers engaged in sharp
polemics from the mid-1950s into the 1970s. Marcuse began the polemic
by attacking Fromm as a neo-Freudian revisionist, and Fromm retaliated
by calling Marcuse a "nihilist" and "utopian." Marcuse
claimed that Fromm's emphasis on the "productive character"
simply reproduced the "productivism" intrinsic to capitalism,
and that his celebration of the values of love, in books like The Art
of Loving, and religious values simply reproduced dominant idealist
ideologies.
Fromm continued
to be a prolific writer up until his death in 1980, publishing a series
of books promoting and developing Marxian and Freudian ideas. He was
also politically active, helping organize SANE and engaging in early
"Ban the Bomb" campaigns, as well participating in the anti-War
movement of the 1960s. Fromm continued to argue for a humanistic and
democratic socialist position, and claimed that such elements were intrinsic
in Marxism. His many books and articles had some influence on the New
Left and continue to be widely read and discussed today.
One of the
distinctive features of Critical Theory is their synthesis of Marx and
Freud aimed at producing a theory of the psychological mediations between
psyche and society ignored by traditional Marxism.7 The key theoretical
essays outlining the Institute's materialist social psychology were
published in the Zeitschrift fur Sozialforschung by Erich Fromm. Fromm
was a practicing psychoanalyst who also received a University position
as lecturer in the Institute for Psychoanalysis at the University of
Frankfurt; he was interested as well in Marxism and sociology, and joined
the Institute as their psychology expert in 1929.8 Fromm was one of
the first to attempt to synthesize Marx and Freud to develop a Marxian
social psychology, and many of the other members of the Institute were
to attempt similar syntheses, though the precise mixture and interpretations
of Freud and Marx were often quite different.
Fromm sketches
the basic outline of his project in his article "The Method and
Function of an Analytic Social Psychology" subtitled "Notes
on Psychoanalysis and Historical Materialism."9 He begins by discussing
the basic principles of psychoanalysis, and then indicates why he thinks
Freud's theory, properly interpreted and reconstructed, is compatible
with historical materialism. For Fromm, psychoanalysis is a materialist
psychology which analyzes instinctual drives and needs as the motive
forces for human behavior. It carries out an inventory of the basic
instincts and dissects the unconscious forces and mechanisms that sometimes
control human behavior. Psychoanalysis also analyzes the influence of
specific life experiences on the inherited instinctual constitution.
Thus, in Fromm's view, Freud's theory is "exquisitely historical:
it seeks to understand the drive structure through the understanding
of life history" (CoP, p. 139).
The key conception
of psychoanalysis for Fromm is the "active and passive adaptation
of the biological apparatus, the instincts, to social reality"
(CoP, p. 141). Psychoanalysis is especially valuable for social psychology
in that it seeks "to discover the hidden sources of the obviously
irrational behavior patterns in societal life -- in religion, custom,
politics, and education" (CoP, p. 141). Fromm therefore believes
that an "analytical social psychology" is thoroughly compatible
with historical materialism since both are materialist sciences which
"do not start from 'ideas' but from earthly life and needs. They
are particularly close in their appraisal of consciousness, which is
seen by both as less the driving force behind human behavior than the
reflection of other hidden forces" (CoP, p. 142). Although historical
materialism tends to assume the primacy of economic forces and interests
in individual and social life, while the psychoanalytic focus is on
instinctual and psychological forces, Fromm believes that they can be
fruitfully synthesized. In particular, he believes that an analytical
social psychology can study the ways that socio-economic structure influences
and shapes the instinctual apparatus of both individuals and groups.
The psychoanalytic
emphasis on the primacy of the family in human development can also
be given a historical materialist twist, Fromm believes. Since "the
family is the medium through which the society or the social class stamps
its specific structure on the child," analysis of the family and
socialization processes can indicate how society reproduces its class
structure and imposes its ideologies and practices on individuals. Psychoanalytic
theories, Fromm suggested, which abstract from study of the ways that
a given society socialized its members into accepting and reproducing
a specific social structure, tend to take bourgeois society as a norm
and to illicitly universalize its findings. Historical materialism provides
a corrective to these errors by stressing the intrinsically historical
nature of all social formations, institutions, practices, and human
life.
Fromm's essay
is primarily programmatic and does not specify in great detail how capitalist-bourgeois
society reproduces its structures within its members. Rather he is concerned
to outline a research program and to argue for the compatibility of
psychoanalysis and Marxism proposing that psychoanalysis "can enrich
the overall conception of historical materialism on one specific point.
It can provide a more comprehensive knowledge of one of the factors
that is operative in the social process: the nature of man himself"
(CoP, p. 154). For Fromm, natural instincts are part of the base (Unterbau)
of society, and he believes that our understanding of human behavior
and social processes will be enriched by reciprocal knowledge of how
society molds and adapts instincts to its structures, and how human
beings shape and change their environments to meet their needs. "In
certain fundamental respects, the instinctual apparatus itself is a
biological given; but it is highly modifiable. The role of primary formative
factors goes to the economic conditions. The family is the essential
medium through which the economic situation exerts its formative influence
on the individual's psyche. The task of social psychology is to explain
the shared, socially relevant, psychic attitudes and ideologies -- and
their unconscious roots in particular -- in terms of the influence of
economic conditions on libido strivings" (CoP, p. 149).
Fromm also
suggests that psychoanalysis can help explain how the socio-economic
interests and structures are transformed into ideologies, as well as
how ideologies shape and influence human thought and behavior. Such
a merger of Marx and Freud will immeasurably enrich materialist social
theory, in Fromm's view, by providing analysis of the mediations through
which psyche and society interact and reciprocally shape each other.
Every society, he claims, has its own libidinal structure and its processes
whereby authority is reproduced in human thought and behavior. An analytical
social psychology must thus be deeply empirical to explain how domination
and submission take place in specific societies in order to provide
understanding of how social and psychological change is possible.
In an essay
from the same period, "Psychoanalytic Characterology and Its Relevance
for Social Psychology," Fromm applies his analytic social psychology
to an investigation of how bourgeois society forms dominant character
types which reproduce social structure and submit to social authority.10
A theory of social character would be central to Fromm's work, though
in this essay he assumes in rather orthodox Freudian fashion that the
"general basis of psychoanalytic characterology is to view certain
character traits as sublimations or reaction formations of certain instinctual
drives that are sexual in nature" (CoP, pp. 164-165). Fromm then
discusses Freud's theory of oral, anal, and genital characters, and
how specific social structures produce and reward certain types of character
traits while eliminating others. In particular, drawing on Werner Sombart's
study of the "bourgeois" and on Benjamin Franklin's diaries,
Fromm discusses how bourgeois society produced a character structure
in which duty, parsimoniousness, discipline, thrift, and so on became
dominant traits of the bourgeois character structure while love, sensual
pleasure, charity, and kindness were devalued.
Anticipating
later Institute studies of the changes within personality in contemporary
capitalism, Fromm writes of developments of character structure under
monopoly capitalism and suggests: "It is clear that the typical
character traits of the bourgeois of the nineteenth century gradually
disappeared, as the classic type of the self-made, independent entrepreneur,
who is both the owner and the manager of his own business, was disappearing.
The character traits of the earlier business man became more of a handicap
than a help to the new type of capitalist. A description and analysis
of the latter's psyche in present-day capitalism is another task that
should be undertaken by psychoanalytic social psychology" (CoP,
p. 185).
Fromm would
later describe in detail the dominant character types within contemporary
capitalist societies.11 One of the most interesting of his attempts
in the early 1930s, however, to develop a materialist social psychology
is found in his study of Johann Jacob Bachofen's theory of matriarchy
in an article "The Theory of Mother Right and its Relevance for
Social Psychology."12 Fromm indicates how Bachofen's study had
been appropriated both by socialist thinkers such as Engels and Bebel
as well as by conservative thinkers. After criticizing the conservative
version of the theory of matriarchy, Fromm suggests how it can be appropriated
by progressive thought. To begin, Bachofen provides insights, Fromm
believes, into how woman's nature develops from social practices; specifically,
how the activity of mothering produces certain nurturing, maternal character
traits associated with women, thus anticipating recent feminist theories
of mothering.13
Moreover,
Fromm suggests that Bachofen's theory of the matriarchal society reveals
"a close kinship with the ideals of socialism. For example, concern
for man's material welfare and earthly happiness is presented as one
of the central ideas of matriarchal society. On other points, too, the
reality of matriarchal society as described by Bachofen is closely akin
to socialist ideals and goals and directly opposed to romantic and reactionary
aims. According to Bachofen, matriarchal society was a primeval democracy
where sexuality is free of christian depreciation, where maternal love
and compassion are the dominant moral principles, where injury to one's
fellowman is the gravest sin, and where private property does not yet
exist" (CoP, pp. 118-119). For Fromm, the crucial question concerning
the theory of matriarchy is not whether or not a matriarchal society
as described by Bachofen actually existed or not. Rather, the theory
of matriarchy represents a certain set of institutions, attitudes, and
values opposed to capitalist patriarchal society, and for this reason
won wide approval "from those socialists who sought, not reform,
but a thoroughgoing change of society's social and psychic structure"
(CoP, p. 120).
In discussion
of the transition from matriarchy to patriarchy, Fromm suggests some
of the ways that the patriarchal social structure "is closely bound
up with the class character of present-day society.... The patriarchal
family is one of the most important loci for producing the psychic attitudes
that operate to maintain the stability of class society." (CoP,
p. 124). In his view, a "patricentric complex" develops in
bourgeois society which includes "affective dependence on fatherly
authority, involving a mixture of anxiety, love and hate; identification
with paternal authority vis-a-vis weaker ones; a strong and strict superego
whose principle is that duty is more important than happiness; guilt
feelings, reproduced over and over again by the discrepancy between
the demands of the superego and those of reality, whose effect is to
keep people docile to authority. It is this psycho-social condition
that explains why the family is almost universally regarded as the foundation
(or at least one of the important supports) of society" (CoP, p.
124).
In a patricentric
society, one's relation to the father is central. Going beyond Freud's
theory of the Oedipus complex which also ascribes the father-son relationship
primary importance in psychological development, Fromm inventories various
ways in which paternal authority is introjected in socialization processes,
and the ways that such processes reproduce the values of capitalism
and bourgeois society. Fromm then contrasts children's relations with
their mother and the matricentric values involved in this relation.
While relation to one's father is often conditional on one's behavior,
success, and ability to fulfill his expectations, there is at least
an unconditional element to mother love and less rigid introjection
of values, guilt, and needs to succeed to win love:
"Summing
up, we can say that the patricentric individual --and society -- is
characterized by a complex of traits in which the following are predominant:
a strict superego, guilt feelings, docile love for paternal authority,
desire and pleasure at dominating weaker people, acceptance of suffering
as a punishment for one's own guilt, and a damaged capacity for happiness.
The matricentric complex, by contrast, is characterized by a feeling
of optimistic trust in mother's unconditional love, far fewer guilt
feelings, a far weaker superego, and a greater capacity for pleasure
and happiness. Along with these traits there also develops the ideal
of motherly compassion and love for the weak and others in need of help"
(CoP, p. 131).
After a historical
sketch of the association of matricentric culture with the Middle Ages
and Catholicism, and patricentric culture with the bourgeoisie, capitalism,
and Protestantism, Fromm concludes that: "the real, full-fledged
representative of the new matricentric tendencies proved to be the class
whose motive for total dedication to work was prompted basically by
economic considerations rather than by an internalized compunction:
the working class. This same emotional structure provided one of the
conditions for the effective influence of Marxist socialism on the working
class -- in so far as its influence depended on the specific nature
of their drive structure" (CoP, p. 134).
In Fromm's
reading, Bachofen points out the relativity of existing societal relationships
and institutions such as marriage, monogamy, private property, and other
bourgeois social forms. Fromm suggests that such views on the social
constructedness of social arrangements should "be welcomed by a
theory and political activity that advocated a fundamental change of
the existing social structure" (CoP, p. 123). There were other
political reasons as well why such a theory could appeal to progressives:
"Aside from the fact that the theory of matriarchy underlined the
relativity of the bourgeois social structure, its very special content
could not but win the sympathy of Marxists. First of all, it had discovered
a period when woman had been the authority and focal point of society,
rather than the slave of man and an object for barter; this lent important
support to the struggle for woman's political and social emancipation.
The great battle of the eighteenth century had to be picked up afresh
by those who where fighting for a classless society" (CoP, p. 123).
Fromm concludes
the study by pointing to compatibilities between the matricentric tendencies
and Marxism -- and thus between Marxism and feminism: "The psychic
basis of the Marxist social program was predominantly the matricentric
complex. Marxism is the idea that if the productive capabilities of
the economy were organized rationally, every person would be provided
with a sufficient supply of the goods he needed -- no matter what his
role in the production process was; furthermore, all this could be done
with far less work on the part of each individual than had been necessary
up to now, and finally, every human being has an unconditional right
to happiness in life, and this happiness basically resides in the 'harmonious
unfolding of one's personality' -- all these ideas were the rational,
scientific expression of ideas that could only be expressed in fantasy
under earlier economic conditions: Mother Earth gives all her children
what they need, without regard for their merits" (CoP, p. 134-135).
While one
might contest Fromm's equation of matricentric culture with Marxian
socialism, it is interesting to note his concern for the emancipation
of women and his attacks on patriarchy. One also notes in the article
his concern, shared by other key members of the Institute, for sensual
gratification and happiness. He believes that Bachofen's emphasis on
"material happiness on earth" and "social hedonism"
in his theory of matriarchy helps explain its appeal to socialist thinkers
(CoP, p. 125), and underlines Fromm's own commitment to material happiness
and sensual gratification in a discussion of how sexuality "offers
one of the most elementary and powerful opportunities for satisfaction
and happiness" (CoP, p. 126).