William
Jennings Bryan, 1907William Jennings Bryan (March 19, 1860 – July
26, 1925) was an American lawyer, statesman, and politician. He was
a three-time Democratic Party nominee for President of the United States
noted for his deep, commanding voice. Bryan was a devout Presbyterian,
a strong proponent of popular democracy, an outspoken critic of banks
and railroads, a leader of the silverite movement in the 1890s, a dominant
figure in the Democratic Party, a peace advocate, a prohibitionist,
an opponent of Darwinism, and one of the most prominent leaders of the
Progressive Movement. He was called "The Great Commoner" because
of his total faith in the goodness and rightness of the common people.
He was one of the
most energetic campaigners in American history, inventing the national
stumping tour. In his presidential bids, he promoted Free Silver in
1896, anti-imperialism in 1900, and antitrust in 1908, calling on all
Democrats to renounce conservatism, fight the trusts and big banks,
and embrace progressive ideas. President Woodrow Wilson appointed him
Secretary of State in 1913, but Bryan resigned in protest against Wilson's
policies in 1915. In the 1920s he was a strong supporter of Prohibition,
but is probably best known today for his negative criticism of Darwinism,
which culminated in the Scopes Trial in 1925.
Background and
early career
William Jennings Bryan as a young man.Bryan was born in Salem, in the
Little Egypt region of southern Illinois, on March 19, 1860, the son
of Silas and Mariah Bryan.
Silas Bryan was
born in 1822 in Virginia, of Irish stock. At age 18, he walked to Troy,
Missouri to live with his elder brother. He attended McKendree College
in Lebanon, Illinois, graduating with a Bachelor's degree in 1849, and
eventually earning his master's. He then taught at Walnut Hill High
School while preparing for the bar exam. During his brief tenure as
a school teacher, he met Mariah Elizabeth Jennings: in 1852, now an
attorney, he would marry his former pupil. The young couple settled
in Salem, a young town with a population of approximately 2000. Shortly
after this, Silas Bryan, a Jacksonian Democrat, won election to the
Illinois State Senate, where he rubbed elbows with such luminaries as
Abraham Lincoln and Stephen Douglas. Silas lost his seat to a Republican
in 1860, the year of William Jennings Bryan's birth, but quickly rebounded
by winning election as a state circuit judge.
In 1866, the family
moved to a 520-acre farm north of Salem, living in a ten-room house
that was the envy of Marion County, complete with silver dining service
and black servants. Silas served as a sort of "gentleman farmer"
and William Jennings Bryan grew up in this agricultural setting. In
1872, Silas left the bench to run for the House of Representatives,
with the backing of the Democratic and Greenback parties, but lost to
a Republican. This was the last time he sought public office, and he
would spend the rest of his life as a trial lawyer.
Both of Bryan's
parents were devout Christians. Since his father was a Baptist and his
mother was a Methodist, Bryan grew up attending Methodist services on
Sunday mornings and Baptist services in the afternoon. In 1872, Mariah
Bryan joined the Salem Baptists and the family now worshipped with the
Baptists in the morning - at this point, William began spending his
Sunday afternoons at the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. In 1874, at
age 14, Bryan attended a revival held at the Cumberland Presbyterian
Church, and, together with 70 of his classmates, was baptized and joined
the Cumberland Presbyterian Church. In later life, Bryan would refer
to the day of his baptism as the most important day in his life, but,
being raised in a devout family, at the time it caused little change
in his daily routine. As an adult, Bryan left the Cumberland Presbyterian
Church in favor of the more mainstream Presbyterian Church in the USA.
Bryan was homeschooled
until age 10, finding in the Bible and McGuffey Readers the truths he
adhered to all his life, such as that gambling and liquor were evil
and sinful. In 1874, shortly after his baptism, 14-year-old Bryan moved
to Jacksonville to attend Whipple Academy, the academy attached to Illinois
College. Following high school, he entered Illinois College and studied
classics, graduating as valedictorian in 1881. During his time at Illinois
College, Bryan was a proud member of the Sigma Pi Literary Society.
He then moved to Chicago to study law at Union Law College.
He married Mary
Baird in 1884; she became a lawyer and collaborated with him on all
his speeches and writings. He practiced law in Jacksonville (1883–87),
then moved to the boom city of Lincoln, Nebraska. He was elected to
Congress in the Democratic landslide of 1890 and reelected by 140 votes
in 1892. In 1894 he ran for the Senate but was overwhelmed in the Republican
landslide.
First Battle: 1896
At the 1896 Democratic National Convention, Bryan galvanized the silver
forces to defeat Bourbon Democrats tied to incumbent Democratic President
Grover Cleveland. Thanks in large part to his Cross of Gold speech,
Bryan won the nomination for President.
His famous "Cross
of Gold" speech, delivered prior to his nomination, lambasted Eastern
monied classes for supporting the gold standard at the expense of the
average worker. Bryan's stance, directly opposing the conservative Cleveland
and the Bourbon Democrats, united the agrarian and silver factions and
won the "Boy Orator of the Platte" the nomination. Bryan was
said to have enjoyed this colorful nickname until opponents ridiculed
it by saying that it was an appropriate thing to call Bryan, since the
Platte River was narrow, shallow and widest at the mouth. Just 36, the
youngest presidential nominee ever, Bryan managed to attract the support
of most mainstream Democrats as well as disaffected Populists and Republican
supporters of Free Silver in the West. Bryan formally received the nominations
of Populist Party nomination and the Silver Republican Party in addition
to the Democratic nomination. Thus voters from any party could vote
for him without crossing party lines, an important advantage in an era
of intense party loyalty. Republicans called Bryan a Populist. However,
"Bryan's reform program was so similar to that of the Populists
that he has often been mistaken for a Populist, but he remained a stanch
Democrat throughout the Populist period."[1] The Populists nominated
him in 1896 only--they refused to do so in previous and later elections.
Bryan as Populist
swallowing the Democratic party; 1896 cartoon from the Republican magazine
Judge.Bryan crusaded against the gold standard and the money interests,
demanding Bimetallism and "free silver" at a ratio of 16:1.
Most leading Democratic newspapers rejected his candidacy, so he took
his cause directly to the people, making over 500 speeches in 27 states.
The Republicans
nominated William McKinley on a program of prosperity through industrial
growth, high tariffs, and sound money (that is, gold.) Republicans discovered
that, by August, Bryan was solidly ahead in the South and West, and
far behind in the Northeast. But he also appeared to be ahead in the
Midwest, so the Republicans concentrated their efforts there. They counter-crusaded
against Bryan, warning that he was a madman--a religious fanatic surrounded
by anarchists--who would wreck the economy. By late September the Republicans
felt they were ahead in the decisive Midwest, and began emphasizing
that McKinley would bring prosperity to every group of Americans. McKinley
scored solid gains among the middle classes, factory and railroad workers,
prosperous farmers, and among the German Americans who rejected free
silver. William McKinley won by a margin of 271 to 176 in the electoral
college.
Conservatives
in 1900 ridiculed Bryan's eclectic platform[edit]
War and Peace: 1898-1900
Although Bryan never won an election after 1892, he continued to dominate
the Democratic party. He strongly supported going to war with Spain
in 1898, and volunteered for combat, arguing that "Universal peace
cannot come until justice is enthroned throughout the world. Until the
right has triumphed in every land and love reigns in every heart, government
must, as a last resort, appeal to force." Bryan volunteered and
became a colonel of a Nebraska militia regiment; he spent the war in
Florida and never saw combat.
After the war, Bryan
came to denounce the imperialism that resulted from it. He strongly
opposed the annexation of the Philippines (though he did support the
Treaty of Paris that ended the war). He ran as an anti-imperialist in
1900, finding himself in an awkward alliance with Andrew Carnegie and
other millionaire anti-imperialists. Republicans mocked Bryan as indecisive,
or even a coward, a theme echoed in the portrayal of the Cowardly Lion
in The Wonderful Wizard of Oz (1900). In 1900, he combined anti-imperialism
with free silver, saying:
The nation is of
age and it can do what it pleases; it can spurn the traditions of the
past; it can repudiate the principles upon which the nation rests; it
can employ force instead of reason; it can substitute might for right;
it can conquer weaker people; it can exploit their lands, appropriate
their property and kill their people; but it cannot repeal the moral
law or escape the punishment decreed for the violation of human rights.[2]
His stamina was
evident from his schedule. In a typical day he gave four hour-long speeches
and shorter talks that added up to six hours of speaking. At an average
rate of 175 words a minute, he turned out 63,000 words, enough to fill
52 columns of a newspaper. (No paper printed more than a column or two.)
In Wisconsin, he made 12 speeches in 15 hours. [Coletta 1:272]. He held
his base in the South, but lost part of the West as McKinley retained
the Northeast and Midwest and rolled up a landslide.
1900-1912: on the
Chautauqua circuit
Following his failed presidential bid in 1900, the 40-year-old Bryan
re-examined his life and concluded that he had let his passion for politics
obscure his calling as a Christian. He now prepared a number of speeches
in defense of the Christian faith and hit the lecture circuit, especially
the Chautauqua circuit. For the next 25+ years, Bryan would be the most
popular Chautauqua speaker, delivering thousands of speeches, even while
serving as secretary of state. He spoke on a wide variety of topics,
but he preferred religious topics. His most popular lecture (and his
personal favorite) was a lecture entitled "The Prince of Peace":
in it, Bryan stressed that religion was the only solid foundation of
morality, and that individual and group morality was the only foundation
for peace and equality. Another famous lecture from this period, "The
Value of an Ideal", was a stirring call to public service.
As early as 1905,
Bryan was warning Chautauquans of the dangers of Darwinism: "The
Darwinian theory represents man reaching his present perfection by the
operation of the law of hate - the merciless law by which the strong
crowd out and kill off the weak. If this is the law of our development
then, if there is any logic that can bind the human mind, we shall turn
backward to the beast in proportion as we substitute the law of love.
I choose to believe that love rather than hatred is the law of development."
Bryan also now threw
himself into the work of the Social Gospel. Bryan served on organizations
containing a large number of theological liberals: he sat on the temperance
committee of the Federal Council of Churches and on the general committee
of the short-lived Interchurch World Movement.
In the years following
his 1900 presidential loss, Bryan founded a weekly magazine , The Commoner,
calling on Democrats to dissolve the trusts, regulate the railroads
more tightly and support the Progressive Movement. He regarded prohibition
as a "local" issue and did not endorse it until 1910. In London
in 1906, he presented a plan to the Inter-Parliamentary Peace Conference
for arbitration of disputes that he hoped would avert warfare. He tentatively
called for nationalization of the railroads, then backtracked and called
only for more regulation. His party nominated gold bug Alton B. Parker
in 1904, but Bryan was back in 1908, losing this time to William Howard
Taft.
Secretary of State:
1913-1916
Cartoon depicting Secretary of State William Jennings Bryan reading
news from the war fronts, 1914.After supporting Wilson in 1912, he was
rewarded with the top job as Secretary of State. Wilson made all the
major foreign policy decisions himself, only nominally consulting Bryan.
Dedicated to peace (though not a pacifist), Bryan negotiated 28 treaties
that promised arbitration of disputes before war broke out between that
country and the United States; Germany never signed on. He supported
American military intervention in the civil war in Mexico in 1914. Bryan
resigned in June 1915 over Wilson's strong notes demanding "strict
accountability for any infringement of [American] rights, intentional
or incidental." He campaigned energetically for Wilson's reelection
in 1916. When war finally was declared in April 1917, Bryan wrote Wilson,
"Believing it to be the duty of the citizen to bear his part of
the burden of war and his share of the peril, I hereby tender my services
to the Government. Please enroll me as a private whenever I am needed
and assign me to any work that I can do."[3] Wilson, however, did
not allow Bryan to rejoin the military and did not offer him any wartime
role, so he threw his energies into successful campaigns for Constitutional
amendments on prohibition and women's suffrage.
Prohibition Battles
1916-1925
Bryan moved to Florida in part to avoid the Nebraska ethnics (especially
the German Americans) who were "wet" and opposed to prohibition.
(Coletta 3:116). He remained as busy as ever, often filling lucrative
speaking engagements. Always pious, during the final years of his life,
he was extremely active in religious organizations and devoted himself
to the defense of fundamentalist Christianity. (His father, a judge,
was a Baptist, and his mother converted to this faith from Methodism
when Bryan was 12. He and his sister later became Presbyterians.) After
leaving the State Department, he shifted focus to social and moral issues,
and to world disarmament. He refused to support the party nominee in
1920 because he was not dry enough. As one biographer explains,
Bryan epitomized
the prohibitionist viewpoint: Protestant and nativist, hostile to the
corporation and the evils of urban civilization, devoted to personal
regeneration and the social gospel, he sincerely believed that prohibition
would contribute to the physical health and moral improvement of the
individual, stimulate civic progress, and end the notorious abuses connected
with the liquor traffic. Hence he became interested when its devotees
in Nebraska viewed direct legislation as a means of obtaining antisaloon
laws. (Coletta 2:8)
He was thus primarily
interested in destroying the liquor interest, which controlled politics
in many inner-city wards and seemed to be on the other side of every
issue. His national campaigning helped Congress pass the 18th Amendment
in 1918, which shut down all saloons starting in 1920. While prohibition
was in effect, however, he did not work to secure better enforcement.
He ignored the Ku Klux Klan, expecting it would soon fold. He strongly
opposed wet Al Smith for the nomination in 1924; his brother Charles
Bryan was put on the ticket as candidate for vice president to keep
the Bryanites in line.
Fighting Darwinism:
1918-1924
In his famous Chautauqua lecture, "The Prince of Peace," Bryan
had warned of the possibility that the theory of evolution could undermine
the foundations of morality. However, at this point, he concluded "While
I do not accept the Darwinian theory I shall not quarrel with you about
it."
This attitude changed
when the horrors of the First World War convinced Bryan that Darwinism
was not only a potential threat, but had in fact undermined morality.
Before World War I, Bryan had been an optimist who believed that moral
progress could achieve equality at home and, in the international field,
peace between all the nations of the world. World War I convinced him
that this optimism was misplaced and that moral progress seemed to have
ground to a complete halt.
In concluding that
Darwinism was responsible for the immorality of the present age, Bryan
was heavily influenced by two books: the first was Headquarters Nights:
A Record of Conversations and Experiences at the Headquarters of the
German Army in Belgium and France by Vernon Kellogg (1917), which confirmed
that most German military leaders were committed Darwinists who were
sceptical of Christianity. The second was The Science of Power by Benjamin
Kidd (1918), which argued that German nationalism, materialism, and
militarism could be attributed to the philosophy of Friedrich Nietzsche,
which in turn was the logical outworking of the Darwinian hypothesis.
In 1920, Bryan told
the World Brotherhood Congress that Darwinism was "the most paralyzing
influence with which civilization has had to deal in the last century"
and that Nietzsche, in carrying Darwinism to its logical conclusion,
had "promulgated a philosophy that condemned democracy...denounced
Christianity...denied the existence of God, overturned all concepts
of morality...and endeavored to substitute the worship of the superhuman
for the worship of Jehovah."
However, it was
not until 1921 that Bryan saw the threat to morality posed by Darwinism
as a major internal threat to the US. The major study which seemed to
convince Bryan of this was James Henry Leuba's The Belief in God and
Immortality, a Psychological, Anthropological and Statistical Study
(1916). In this study, Leuba showed that a considerable number of college
students lost their faith during the four years they spent in college.
Bryan was horrified that the next generation of American leaders might
have the degraded sense of morality which had prevailed in Germany and
caused the Great War. Bryan decided it was time to act and launched
his massive anti-evolution campaign.
The campaign kicked
off when Union Theological Seminary in Virginia invited Bryan to deliver
the James Sprunt Lectures in October 1921. The heart of the lectures
was a lecture entitled "The Origin of Man", in which Bryan
addressed what he saw as the question foundational to all other moral
and political questions: what is the role of man in the universe and
what is the purpose of man? For Bryan, religion was absolutely central
to answering this question, and moral responsibility and the spirit
of brotherhood could only rest on belief in God. The Darwinists, however,
in calling into question religion, had laid the foundation for the bloodiest
war in human history; had removed sympathy and brotherhood from the
economic realm, replacing it with competition and survival of the fittest;
and offered no program for improving life except for "scientific
breeding" which would take hundreds of years to achieve.
The Sprunt lectures
were published as In His Image, and sold over 100,000 copies, while
"The Origin of Man was published separately as The Menace of Darwinism
and also sold very well.
Bryan was worried
that Darwinism was making grounds not only in the universities, but
also within the church itself. (And it's worth pointing out that many
universities and schools were still run by churches at this point.)
The developments of 19th-century liberal theology, and higher criticism
in particular, had left the door open to the point where many clergymen
were willing to embrace Darwinism and claimed that it was not contradictory
with their being Christians. Determined to put an end to this, Bryan,
who had long served as a Presbyterian elder, decided to run for the
position of Moderator of the General Assembly of the Presbyterian Church
in the USA. (Under presbyterian church governance, clergy and laymen
are equally represented in the General Assembly, and the post of Moderator
is open to any member of General Assembly.) Bryan's main competition
in the race was the Rev. Charles F. Wishart, president of the College
of Wooster, who had loudly endorsed the teaching of Darwinism in the
college. Bryan lost to Wishart by a vote of 451-427.
However, Bryan continued
his fight from the floor of the General Assembly. He convinced the Assembly
to pass a resolution endorsing total abstinence from alcoholic beverages
before turning his guns on Darwinism. He put forth a motion that no
denominational funds should be spent at any university, college, or
school where Darwinism was taught. However, the General Assembly opted
instead for a milder motion, saying they disapproved of materialistic
(as opposed to theistic) evolution, but refusing to cut off funds.
Bryan actively
supported state laws banning public schools from teaching evolution;
several southern states did pass such laws after Bryan addressed them.
His participation in the highly publicized 1925 Scopes Trial served
as a capstone to his career. Bryan was asked by William Bell Riley to
represent as counsel the World Christian Fundamentals Association at
the trial. During the trial Bryan took the stand and was questioned
by defense lawyer Clarence Darrow about his views on the Bible. Biologist
Stephen J. Gould has speculated that Bryan's antievolution views were
a result of his Populist idealism and suggests that Bryan's fight was
really against Social Darwinism. Others, such as biographer Michael
Kazin, reject that conclusion based on Bryan's failure during the trial
to attack the eugenics and white supremacy in the textbook, Civic Biology.
[Kazin p 289] The national media reported the trial in great detail,
with H. L. Mencken using Bryan as a foil for Southern ignorance and
anti-intellectualism. Bryan died on July 26, 1925, only five days after
the trial ended. School Superintendent Walter White proposed that Dayton
should create a Christian college as a lasting memorial to Bryan; fund
raising was successful and Bryan College opened in 1930.
Kazin (2006) considers
him the first of the 20th-century "celebrity politicians"
better known for their personalities and communications skills than
their political views. Alan Wolfe has concluded that Bryan's "legacy
remains complicated. Form and content mix uneasily in Bryan's politics.
The content of his speeches . . . leads in a direct line to the progressive
reforms adopted by 20th-century Democrats. But the form his actions
took—-a romantic invocation of the American past, a populist insistence
on the wisdom of ordinary folk, a faith-based insistence on sincerity
and character—lead just as directly to the Republican Party of
Karl Rove and George W. Bush."[4]
--------------------------------------------------------------------------------
BRYAN, William
Jennings, (father of Ruth Bryan Owen), a Representative from Nebraska;
born in Salem, Marion County, Ill., March 19, 1860; attended the public
schools and Whipple Academy, Jacksonville, Ill.; was graduated from
Illinois College, Jacksonville, Ill., in 1881; studied law at Union
College in Chicago; was graduated in 1883 and commenced practice at
Jacksonville, Ill., in 1883; moved to Lincoln, Nebr., in 1887 and continued
the practice of law; elected as a Democrat to the Fifty-second and Fifty-third
Congresses (March 4, 1891-March 3, 1895); declined to be a candidate
for reelection in 1894; unsuccessful candidate for election to the United
States Senate in 1894; delegate to the Democratic National Conventions
in 1896, 1904, 1912, 1920, and 1924; unsuccessful Democratic candidate
for President in 1896, 1900, and 1908; was endorsed by the Populist
and Silver Republican Parties in the first and second campaigns; during
the Spanish-American War raised the Third Regiment, Nebraska Volunteer
Infantry, in May 1898 and was commissioned colonel; established a newspaper,
“The Commoner,” at Lincoln, Nebr., in 1901; engaged in editorial
writing and delivering Chautauqua lectures; Secretary of State in the
Cabinet of President Wilson and served from March 4, 1913, until June
9, 1915, when he resigned; resumed his former pursuits of lecturing
and writing; established his home in Miami, Fla., in 1921; died while
attending court in Dayton, Tenn., July 26, 1925; interment in Arlington
National Cemetery.